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Cruel Excess and Regret - The "People's Crusade" by Dr. Paul Stenhouse
CRUEL EXCESS & REGRET - THE "PEOPLE'S CRUSADE"
By Dr. Paul Stenhouse © 2007 Chevalier Press. Used by permission.
Catholics and Jews down the centuries is a topic that deserves to have an encyclopaedia
devoted entirely to it. Thoroughly researched and truthfully written
it would go far towards rebuilding bridges over chasms of ignorance
and prejudice on both sides that continue to keep the two great Pharisaical
religions apart, to the impoverishment of both.
Despite wars, earthquakes, periodic storms, fires and civil disturbances,
a vast amount of documentary material survives from the past two thousand years.
These enable us to gain an insight into the manner of life and thought and
belief of our ancestors and their contemporaries. At least that's the
theory. How accurate those insights are depends on our ability and
willingness to let these documents speak to us. The temptation to
make them mirror our thoughts and beliefs, or lack of them, proves
too much for some commentators.
Regrettably, thorough research does not underpin the claim by Karen
Armstrong that attacks on European Jews during the Crusades 'bequeathed'
to the Western world 'a long and shameful tradition of hatred for the Jewish
people'; and, if that were not enough, that the attacks were the first
pogroms of Europe and that the Crusades inspired the anti-Jewish
prejudices of Nazi-Germany.[1]
Equally short on truth is the claim by James Carroll that attacks on
Jews during the crusades were 'Europe's rehearsal for the extermination
of Jews that [sic!] would not conform'.[2]
The attacks on Jews that occurred during the prelude to the First Crusade
[to consider only the incidents of the 'People's Crusade' that we are
covering here] were cruel and detestable acts that merited the opprobrium
that contemporary[3] and future generations of Catholics and others
have poured on them. But there is no evidence to suggest that their
perpetrators set out on their Crusade intending to target
Jews, or planning to pillage and loot their way to the Holy Land.
If the attacks 'bequeathed' anything to the Western world it was not 'a
tradition of hatred for the Jewish people'. It was shame and regret
that such outrages could occur and that concerned Catholics could do
little to prevent their occurring and that so many good-hearted and
simple people were misled into paths of injustice and violence against
innocent strangers whose wealth, or imagined wealth, made them prime
targets for a hungry and disorderly mob. 'Is that Jerusalem?' they
would reportedly ask, whenever they caught sight of the smallest
fortified township.[4]
Evidence supporting a systematic 'tradition of hatred' for the
Jewish people among mediaeval Catholics is difficult to find.
Localized incidents caused by envy, misunderstanding, dislike,
opportunism, fear and intolerance, yes; but a tradition of
hatred? Such negative sentiments as one encounters towards Jews
across the various social strata of mediaeval Christian society
can be matched by negative sentiments towards Christians on the
part of Jews who, at the time of which we write, considered
Christians to be idolaters,[5] and had a passionate revulsion for
images of the cross or crucifixes which they regarded as the abomination
that Mordechai refused to bow before, in the book of Esther.
A late midrash dating from the 8th century AD transforms Haman,
the arch-enemy of the Jewish people, into a Catholic bishop, and represents
the abomination which he was wearing by a cross, described by an uncomplimentary
trinity of Hebrew terms - tzelem [idol], to'eva [abomination], shikutz [obscene].[6]
The unusual spectacle of thousands of largely undisciplined armed men bearing
the image of the cross on their shoulders, or backs as they moved
through the German and Hungarian countryside would have aroused
emotions of fear and dread in all the inhabitants, and not just among the
Jewish communities in their path. They attacked and pillaged their fellow
Catholics with equal ferocity.
Elliott Horowitz suggests that the attacks of the First Crusade did
bequeath something to the Jewish communities who suffered because
of them. While they did not initiate violence and desecration against
images of the cross on the part of Jews, they seem, however, to have
raised it to new heights.[7]
For that reason Catholics owe a great debt to Rabbi Menahem ben
Solomon ha-Me'iri [1249-1306] of Provence, one of the most noted
Jewish scholars of the Middles Ages, who pioneered the notion
that Christians were not idolaters.[8]
Before the crusades the Jews had been an active part of European settlement
living both in market towns and villages and scattered among the frontier
zones. One tragic consequence of the 'People's Crusade' and subsequent ones
was that they forced Jews to consider security and their security answer
was to create ghettoes, areas of intensive settlement in cities. The
ghetto itself marked the Jews off as separate, so the truth is that the
crusades drew attention to the vulnerability of Jews and exacerbated
problems caused by isolation and lack of contact. Psychologically,
the 'People's Crusade' exacerbated existing mistrust and fear that led
to the setting up of barriers between Jews and Christians that took
until the twentieth century to breach.
Background to the massacre of Jews
At the end of the eleventh century feudal fiefdoms in European
Christendom were mobilizing for what has come to be known as a
'Crusade' - from the 'Crux' [Cross] imprinted on the back and front of
the over-garment worn by knights, foot-soldiers and pilgrims - to
free the Holy Places from Muslim control, and to relieve pressure on
the beleaguered Byzantines.[9]
The date set by Pope Urban II for the various groups of Crusaders to
join forces outside Constantinople, was August 15, the Feast of the
Assumption of our Lady, 1096.
Not all were willing to abide by the Pope's timetable, nor by
the command of German Emperor Henry IV, who ordered that no
one leave for the August rendezvous until the main body of
Crusaders was ready to depart.
The emperor also wrote to all his vassals commanding them
and to guarantee the safety of all the Jews on their lands.[10]
Notwithstanding all this, by the end of April 1096 the first
of three unauthorized 'hordes of undisciplined'[11] 'confused'[12]
and 'hapless'[13] people, had made its move. Led by a certain
Volkmar, of whose background nothing has come down to us, an armed force
of around 10,000 headed from the Rhineland along the road to Bohemia towards Hungary.
A few days later, a second force of around the same strength, led by an
itinerant preacher named Gottschalk, headed up the Rhine through Bavaria.
Then, on May 3, 1096, a third group led by Count Emich von Leisingen,
a shrewd leader with a reputation as a brigand, set out for Hungary by way of Spier (Speyer).
Historian Philip Hughes describes the scene:
Long before the organized force
was ready, enormous hordes of simple peasants, raised to a pitch
of extraordinary fervor by the extravagance of wandering preachers,
confounding often enough the heavenly Jerusalem with [the one] that the Pope
desired to free, victims of all manner of apocalyptic fantasies, set out for
the east. Poor men, weary of the endless oppression of their masters, broken
by the strain of bad harvests, driven desperate by the hopelessness of a hard
life, they readily listened to what seemed the offer of an easy way to the
millennium, and, a vast, unorganised rabble, with their wives, children, and
old people, all their movables stowed on the farm waggon, their oxen shod and
harnessed to it, by thousands and by tens of thousands, they slowly made their
way through southern Germany and Hungary. Necessity made them lawless; they
pillaged and looted as they went. A misguided piety led them, more than once,
to wholesale slaughter of such Jews as they encountered.[14]
It was not just misguided piety. Most of those who set out on the crusade did
so to expiate their sins and to defend their families and their Faith. But
war, as any returning soldier could tell you, and as the recent example of
Abu Ghraib has brought home to a world that should not have been surprised,
is not just about protecting values and beliefs or one's family by using
force against others who would deprive us of them. Even for professional
soldiers, well trained and briefed, it involves the suspending of 'normal'
human reactions and relations and possibly becoming desensitized in the process.
War, even a just defensive war, is always a dirty business and if some who wage
war are twisted, cynical, fanatical or just plain confused before they embark
upon it, then the waters soon become muddied.
Massacres - the popular and insensitive cliche today would be 'collateral damage'
- are a by-product of the mental and moral instability that war creates around it,
and in which it flourishes.
Efforts to forestall Attacks on Jews
Despite papal[15] and local ecclesiastical[16] as well as civil[17]
protection extended to the Jews, the Jewish communities of Spier, Worms,
Mainz, Rudesheim, Cologne, Metz, Ther, Neuss, Wevelinghofen,
Eller and Xanten all suffered carnage, rape and pillaging by the horde
led by Count Emich von Leisingen.
In Spier the bishop had given refuge to the Jews,[18] but twelve were killed.
The bishop saved the rest and even captured several of the murderers,
whose hands were cut off.
At Worms again the local bishop intervened and opened his palace to the Jews. The mob broke
down the doors and slaughtered all the Jews within, despite the bishop's protests.
In Mainz Archbishop Rothard had closed the gates of the city but the mob gained entrance
with the help of sympathizers, stormed the archbishop's palace and that of the civil
lord of the city, and massacred all the Jews within.
In Cologne many of the Jews were saved by hiding in the houses of Catholic friends until
the mob dispersed and the archbishop's efforts saved many others of them.
In Trier most of the Jews were given refuge in the archbishop's palace, but some
panicked and threw themselves into the Moselle and were drowned.
Gottschalk and his band who had taken the road through Bavaria paused at Ratisbon and
attacked the Jews there. When the horde led by Volkmar reached Prague, Bishop Comas
did everything he could to prevent a massacre but was unable to curb the frenzy of the mob.
If modern armies [corporations, political parties, universities, seminaries etc] have
problems identifying and excluding from their ranks psychopaths, sadists, opportunists,
control freaks, exhibitionists and people suffering from a variety of mental disorders,
the impossibility of filtering out all such types from those volunteering to take the Cross to win
back the Holy Places from the Muslims in 1095/1096 needs no stressing.
The mixed bag of simple and pious pilgrims, millennialists, con-men, zealots, and the
violent and the greedy had sealed their doom with the first massacre. Long before the
horde reached the Byzantine frontier their acts of brigandage had outraged the sensibilities of
all decent-minded people and roused whole populations of Catholics against them.
The march through [Catholic]
Hungary was a series of massacres and
fights. In Constantinople itself, what
of the horde survived gave itself to
plunder, even stripping the churches crossed the Bosphorus into infidel
territory the Turks speedily made an end of the most of them.[19]
Retrospective
Jonathan Riley-Smith claims that the attacks on the Jews during the First Crusade
were motivated largely by a desire for vengeance,[20] by members of 'an exceptionally
violent society'.[21]
The peasants, and poorer townspeople, and many of the lesser nobility found themselves
increasingly in need of money which replaced the older system of payment in kind.
They fell into debt and felt resentment towards their creditors. The Jews, for
their part, as Runciman notes,[22] lacking legal security, charged high rates of
interest. If by vengeance Riley-Smith is referring to the tall-poppy syndrome not
uncommon among disadvantaged people who envy the rich - then he is right. Money
for food and shelter had to be found somehow for the thousands of 'hapless'
pilgrims wending their way through Germany, Bohemia and Hungary. Looting and
foraging was a convenient solution and Jews, often wrongly assumed to be wealthy,
were the unfortunate and helpless victims. Also unscrupulous debtors would not
have been above taking advantage of the mayhem by preying on and even eliminating
their creditors.
The German monk-chronicler Ekkehard attributed the involvement of the poor in the
first crusade to rampant social unrest, a 'plague' of 'ergotism' -
ergot of Rye is a plant disease that is caused by the fungus Claviceps purpurea and causes
hallucinations, even insanity, gangrene and death - and economic hardship.[23]
Riley-Smith's description of early mediaeval European society as 'exceptionally'
violent - by comparison, presumably, with contemporary Byzantine and Islamic empires -
seems difficult to reconcile with the bloodletting and court intrigues that
characterized the periods of the white, green and black factions that ruled
over Islamic Cordova, Cairo and Baghdad, the violence and barbarism of the
Seljuk Turks and the unstable social and political fortunes of the far-flung
Byzantine empire.
In 1064, when Catholic forces were besieging the Muslim-held town of
Barbastro near Zaragossa in Spain, Pope Alexander II had written to all
the Spanish bishops congratulating them for protecting their Jewish
citizens from 'those who had entered Spain to fight the Saracens' and who
from 'brutish ignorance or blind cupidity' wanted to kill the Jews. He
reminded the bishops that 'the case of the Jews and the Saracens is very
different. While it is just to fight against the Saracens who persecute
Christians and drive them from their cities and homes, the Jews are everywhere
willing to be accommodating'.[24] Alexander then quoted Pope Gregory the Great
who in the sixth century 'forbade anyone, even a bishop, to destroy Jewish
synagogues'.[25] He wrote along similar lines to Berengarius, the Viscount of
Narbonne,[26] and to Wilfred, the Archbishop of the same city.[27]
The Malign role of Rumour and Suspicion
Rumour has always played a big part in marring relations between peoples.
Jews and Catholics in the Middle Ages were no exception.
In December 1095 rumours of a massacre of Jews in Rouen, in France, caused
alarm among Jews in France and Germany.
Around the same time, as Godfrey de Bouillon, Duke of Basse-Lorraine made
preparations for the Crusade, rumours spread that he had vowed to attack
the Jews. In panic the Jewish communities of Mainz and Cologne sent him gifts
which he accepted and gladly gave guarantees that he did not intend doing any such thing.[28]
When the horde of Count von Leisingen reached Worms a rumour went round that the Jews had
taken a Christian, drowned him and then used the water in which they kept his body to
poison the wells. This gave a pretext for the killings that followed.
The Jews in Trier were safe inside the Archbishops palace but as the mob approached
rumours spread [probably questioning how safe they were] and the Jews panicked and
started fighting among themselves. Some threw themselves into the river Moselle
and were drowned.
Rumours served the marauding mobs just as badly. As von Leisingen was laying siege
to the fortress of Wiesselburg a rumour went round that the Hungarian King
Coloman was approaching with a vast army. The mob panicked, and was utterly
routed by the Hungarian forces.
Peter the Hermit's force of more than 20,000 was tricked into leaving the
safety of their camp at Civetot by rumours spread by Turkish spies that German
forces had captured Nicaea, capital of the Seljuk Turkish Sultan Kilij Arslan
ibn Suleiman. As the crusaders unsuspectingly entered a narrow wooded valley
the Turks sprang their ambush and massacred everybody apart from 3,000 who
managed to flee to an old fort by the sea.
With the death of Peter the Hermit's army, the so-called 'People's Crusade'
was over. It had cost the lives of most of those who joined it, as well as
of many innocents along the way. It proved how
unwise it had been for ten of thousands of simple-minded, undisciplined and
impressionable people, disregarding the pope and the emperor, to set out
without proper authorization and leadership, and without adequate provisions
or planning for the long journey. It did nothing to open the pilgrim route
to the Holy Land and it worsened relations between Christians and Jews.
Endnotes
[1] Karen Armstrong, Holy War: The Crusades and Their Impact on Today's
World, New York, Anchor, 2001, p. 71.
[2] James Carroll, Constantine's Sword: The Church and the Jews,
Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 2001, p. 248.
[3] Albericus Aquensis [Albert of Aix] Migne PL clxvi, chapter xxx says that the
attacks on Jews was a 'scelus detestabile' - a detestable crime:
'they slaughtered the Jewish exiles who would not accept Christ, but they did it
out of need for money [my emphasis] and not [as some may claim] from a concern
for God's justice. For God is a just judge and does not approve of the use of
force to make someone come unwillingly under the yoke of Catholic faith.'
[4] H. Daniel-Rops, Cathedral and Crusade, J.M. Dent & Sons, London, 1957, p. 439.
[5] J. Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1961, pp. 24-47.
[6] Elliott Horowitz, Recldess Rites, Purim and the legacy of Jewish Violence,
Princeton University Press, 2006, p. 155; 157-158 [my translation of the Hebrew terms].
[7] ibid., p. 162.
[8] Katz, op. cit., pp. 114-128.
[9] See Paul Stenhouse. 'The Crusades in Context', Annals
5/2007, pp. 3-8; 'The Crusades and the Spin Doctors', Annals 8/2007, pp. 3-7.
[10] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Cambridge University Press, 1951, vol. 1, p. 136.
[11] Horace Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, Kegan Paul Trench Trubner & Co Ltd, London, 1910, vol vii, 1049-1099.
[12] See Michoud's History of the Crusades, trans. W. Robson, George Routledge, London 1852, vol. 1, p. 70.
[13] H. Daniel-Rops, op. cit., p. 438.
[14] Philip Hughes SJ, A History of the Church, Sheed and Ward, 1935, pp. 254-255.
[15] See Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents 492-1404, Pontifical Institute
of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto, 1988, passim.
[16] See below, in the body of the text.
[17] See Runciman, op. cit., p. 134.
[18] Most of the chronicles note that the Jews gave the bishop a gift
in return for his protection [which proved to be ineffectual as it turned out].
But there is nothing in the documents to suggest that he would not have
tried to help, had he not been given the gift. Runciman's statement
that the bishop's 'sympathies were won by a handsome present' is
uncalled for and prejudicial. See below note 24.
[19] Philip Hughes SJ, op. cit., p. 255.
[20] The First Cruaders, 1095-1131, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 18.
[21] ibid., p. 10.
[22] op. cit., p. 134. It was used in the production of LSD in the 60s.
[23] ibid., p. 16.
[24] Epistle ci, in Migne, Patres Latini, tome cxlvi; also epistles cii, ciii. See also Regesta
Pomificum Romanorum, ed. Jaffe, 2nd ed. Leipsig, 1885 No. 4581 where the same Pope forbids
baptism of Jews by force. Note that what I have translated as 'willing to be accommodating'
[parati suot servire]. Runciman, op. cit., p. 135, betraying his bias, translates as
'ready to work for them'; presumably meaning by 'them' the Catholics. See above note 18.
[25] ibid., Epistola ci,: 'Quemdam, etiam episcopum, synagogam eorum destruere volentem prohibuit'.
[26] ibid., epist. cii.
[27] ibid., epist. ciii.
[28] Runciman, op. cit., p. 136 implies that Godfrey de Bouillon started the rumour,
in order to frighten the Jews into offering him an incentive not to attack them. I can find
no evidence of this evil intent in any of the sources. Even though he took the side of
the emperor against the pope, de Bouillon was by all accounts a man of spotless
character. See Daniel-Rops, op. cit., p. 439.
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